I highly commend it! Puritanism would not be Puritanism without its millennialism. Crawford Gribben skillfully traces the rise, types, impact, and decline of millennialism within Puritanism. Contributors - Crawford Gribben.
Prisoners of Hope? Crawford Gribben, Timothy C. Did the Reformers Misread Paul? Aaron T. Calvin and English Calvinism to R. Missionary Imperialists? John H. Imputation and Impartation William B. The Presbyterian Creed S. Searle eds , Beyond the end: The future of millennial studies Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix, , pp. Cross and Nicholas J. Aspects of evangelical millennialism in Britain and Ireland, Carlisle: Paternoster, , pp.
Lovegrove ed. Share this: Twitter Facebook. But that encouragement concealed the basic indifference of successive English administrations. Instead, local government was pragmatic and improvised. Oliver Cromwell was appointed as lord lieutenant in July Little more than six months later, as Cromwell returned to England, he was replaced by his son-in-law, Henry Ireton. Ample room was left for the improvisation of policy in—and far beyond—religious affairs. Eventually Parliament hit upon a suitable replacement.
He quickly established his military and political credentials.
Fleetwood was effectively ousted by Henry Cromwell, who had investigated his links to the radicals and was subsequently appointed to the Irish Council to counter the instability those links had created. There was a return to a degree of normality after , but a lack of free trade continued to hamper economic growth. But John Owen, at least, was quite clear as to his religious responsibility. He returned from the early stages of the Irish campaign to preach before the London Parliament a sermon that would be published as The stedfastness of the religious dynamic of the cromwellian invasion 29 promises, and the sinfulness of staggering His suggestion was approved.
Working alongside and often in competition with the lay preachers of the army, radical prophets, sequestered Anglicans, and privately funded Presbyterians, the state-supported clergy provided for the spiritual needs of English troops. In August , Bibles were being distributed to English troops along with their ammunition. Protestant preachers struggled to control their own people.
Ironically, the heresies that many feared were undermining the Cromwellian reformation were accumulating in the force that was providing for its security. In Ireland, as in England, the New Model Army had become a hotbed of political and religious dissent. Clark, who would distribute them at his own discretion.
Some members of the clerical elite were guardedly optimistic about the chances of indigenous reformation. Irish audiences did seem to respond when exposed to suitable preaching. There is certainly some evidence of a burst of enthusiasm for Irish evangelism in Dublin—not least among the native Irish, who were to be transported if they refused to convert. Conversion carried immense economic value. It would be interesting to know whether the conversions of Catholic natives were tested with the same scrutiny as those of lay puritans.
In July , John Murcot and some others were instructed to adjudicate the conversions of some native Irish in Athy, who were claiming that as converts they should not be transplanted. This division between the evangelistic interests of older and younger clergy seems to parallel the development of protestant denominations.
Barnard suggests that the ecclesiastical groupings varied in their commitment to evangelizing the natives. While former Anglicans could be heavily committed to the project, Baptists and Independents, he claims, had virtually no interest in it at all. Records from the period are full of Irish names.
Supporters of the project debated whether the attendance of Irish natives at public worship should be voluntary or compulsory. Perhaps the infant baptism defended by the confessional mainstream was prejudicial to native evangelism, especially as infant baptism came to be invested with the claims of covenant theology more regularly than it had been in the Anglican past. With no record of any native converts or any program of deliberate outreach, Baptists were the least interested of all the Cromwellian movements in the evangelism of the Irish.
Some polemicists wondered whether the religious policies of successive administrations were in fact alienating potential converts. Irish natives were being invited to exchange a millennium and a half of ecclesiastical tradition for the cacophonous innovations of protestant sectarian debate. That statement of truth was made possible by the development of a textual culture in Ireland. Books in Ireland tended to be expensive. Printing presses were located in Cork, Dublin, and possibly Belfast, where the Bangor declaration of the Presbyterian ministers may have been printed.
It is impossible to know, therefore, how many Irish Cromwellians could have adequately read their way into the debates this book describes. But it is very likely that Ireland had nothing to compare to the three or four million broadsheets printed in London in the eighty years before The Irish reformations must have advanced with much less dependence on the construction and exploitation of a literary culture. The Irish Cromwellian elite were certainly keen to contain it. In , for example, customs agents seized imported Catholic books in Dublin harbor, while John Cook was appointed to examine other potentially blasphemous or anticlerical texts.
Or perhaps the authorities believed that these polemical texts could make little impact on most of their readers. Little wonder that the government took such pains to control preaching, as we will later see. Yet books and sermons were closely related. Many of the controversialists whose opinions are recorded in this book would have preferred to think of themselves as pastors rather than writers—but no manuscripts of their pulpit materials remain.
Perhaps this explains why the textual culture of Irish Cromwellians appears so limited. There are very few extant examples of commentaries or histories—two genres popular in England, for example—but many examples of printed sermons and occasional pamphlets on pietistic or controversial themes.
Refresh and try again. Gunton Edinburgh, , In This Article. The latter, turning to republican and revolutionary ways, joined the United Irish Society ; the former became merged in the recently [ when? Edward Arber, 3 vols. MacLeod, Jack N. He has lectured in theology and church history at colleges in the UK.
Those documents that remain extant do not provide us with a complete textual culture. But its traces suggest that textual culture in Ireland was much more conservative and less concerned to compete with preaching than might have been the case elsewhere. It was almost certainly Quakers who took most advantage of this textual culture. In England, they embraced opportunities for publication with astonishing urgency.
In November , the godly people of Limerick were suffering a Quaker invasion: There are at present in the city of Limerick divers persons commonly called Quakers, who have repaired thither out of England and other places, making it their practice to wander up and down seducing divers honest people, neglecting and impoverishing their families, troubling the public peace of this nation, disturbing the congregations of sober Christians in the worship of God, and with railing accusations aspersing and discouraging divers of the godly ministers of the Gospel in their faithful labours, and therefore bringing into contempt the ordinances of God and encouraging evil-minded people to looseness and profaneness.
Whatever their differences, these communities of sectarian readers fostered a literary climate that shared distinctive features of radical publications elsewhere. This textual culture enabled Irish Cromwellians to participate in networks of friendship and clerical association that stretched across the Atlantic. Thomas Harrison, encouraging him and other friends in New England to settle in Ireland. But Irish Cromwellians were also keen to develop links with brethren in England, though requests for their assistance met with little success.
The reluctance of English clergy to move to Ireland was thought to relate to rumors suggesting that local authorities were forcibly silencing large numbers of ministers in certain parts of the south. John Owen worried that ministers rejected for heresy in England could take their theological confusion elsewhere. Irish Baptists took a lead in associational thinking and encouraged sister churches in England and Wales to maintain regular days of fasting.
With the Irish Sea on one hand and the Atlantic on the other, Irish Cromwellians organized and disputed in the broad culture of Englishspeaking Protestantism. Some debates began in Ireland and continued elsewhere. Other debates engaging Irish Cromwellians began in England. These links between the old and new worlds facilitated the rapid dissemination of ideas. Protestantism in Cromwellian Ireland was a complex social and intellectual phenomenon that emerged from a British and American network of ideas and personnel.